The Sum & Substance of the Afghan Deal
Published in The Hindu on 5th March, 2020
The long-awaited deal between the US and Taliban was finally signed in Doha last Saturday by US Special Envoy Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad and former Taliban deputy leader Mullah Abdul Ghani Barader. On the same day, US Defence Secretary Mark Esper visited Kabul to conclude the Joint Declaration for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan between the two governments. Gaps and inconsistencies between the two only add to the confusion. But two facts are clear – the US is on its way out and second, this does not ensure peace for the Afghan people. As former US Defence Secretary Gen Mattis put it, “The US doesn’t lose wars, it loses interest”. But since a major power cannot be seen to be losing a war, certainly not in an election year, a re-labelling of the withdrawal becomes necessary.
Shades of Vietnam
Nearly a half century ago, President Richard Nixon had faced a similar dilemma. With more than half a million US soldiers deployed in Vietnam, it was clear that a military solution was out of question. Seeking an exit, his NSA Dr Henry Kissinger, during his secret visit to Beijing in July 1971, assured Premier Zhou Enlai that US was prepared to withdraw completely from Vietnam in return for release of US POWs and a ceasefire lasting “a decent interval”. Kissinger and Nixon knew that the deal would leave their ally, the South Vietnamese government led by President Thieu, vulnerable. In the declassified 1972 White House tapes, Nixon and Kissinger acknowledge that “South Vietnam is not going to survive and the idea is to find a formula that can hold things together for a year or two”. The ploy worked.
President Nixon was re-elected with a record margin in November 1972 on the platform that peace was at hand. In January 1973, the Paris Peace Accords were signed and by end March, US had completed its withdrawal ending direct military involvement. US POWs were released but by end-1973, the ceasefire was in tatters. Saigon fell to the North Vietnamese forces on 30 April 1975. Approximately 20000 US soldiers died during 1972-73 (Nixon cemented the understanding during his visit to China in February 1972) and 80000 South Vietnamese soldiers died after the collapse of the ceasefire, following the decent interval. To win his re-election, Nixon had promised an honourable peace and delivered a delayed defeat but by then, the world had moved on. Dr Kissinger won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1973. The secret assurances of 1971-72 only surfaced after four decades.
Khalilzad is no stranger to Washington politics having served in Republican administrations since the Reagan era. He understood his job perfectly when Secretary Pompeo appointed him the Special Envoy for Afghan Reconciliation in September 2018. An Afghan by birth (he came to US in his teens) and having served as US ambassador in Afghanistan, he knew full well that he was not negotiating an Afghan peace deal, he was negotiating a ‘managed’ US exit. The time line too was clear. President Trump had repeatedly declared that “great nations do not fight endless wars” and his re-election was due in the fall of 2020.
The road to Doha
President Trump’s 2017 policy aimed at breaking the military stalemate in Afghanistan by authorising an additional 5000 soldiers, giving US forces a freer hand to go after the Taliban, putting Pakistan on notice and strengthening Afghan capabilities. Within a year, it was clear that the policy was not working because no insurgency can be defeated as long as it enjoys safe havens and secure sanctuaries. Pakistan’s help was necessary to get the Taliban to the negotiating table.
A three-way negotiation ensued. First was the Doha track with the Taliban, a second was with Islamabad/Rawalpindi and the third was with Kabul to ensure that the Afghan government would accept the outcome. The dice was loaded because Taliban and Pakistan negotiated as a team. Within six months, they had whittled down Ambassador Khalilzad’s four objectives – a ceasefire, an intra-Afghan peace dialogue, cutting ties with terrorist organisations like Al Qaeda, and finally, US troop withdrawal – to just the last one, with some palliatives regarding the third.
The deal was ready to be signed last September when Trump abruptly called it off stalling the process. NSA John Bolton’s dismissal (he was opposed) and the release of three high level Taliban militants including Anas Haqqani (Sirajuddin Haqqani’s brother) in November helped smoothen issues.
The key features of the Doha deal are:
a. US troops to be reduced from current 14000 to 8600 by 15 June (in 135 days).
b. Withdrawal of all remaining US and foreign forces by 29 April 2021 (in 14 months).
c. Removal of Taliban from UN Security Council sanctions list by 29 May.
d. Upto 5000 Taliban prisoners and 1000 Afghan security forces prisoners to be released from Afghan and Taliban custody respectively by 10 March.
e. US sanctions against Taliban leaders to be lifted by 27 August.
f. Intra-Afghan talks to begin on 10 March.
Whither Afghanistan
Nothing reflects the fragility of the deal signed between US and Taliban in Doha better than the title – Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan between the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan which is not recognised by the US as a state and is known as the Taliban and the USA! This is repeated more than a dozen times in the Agreement. Ironically, US has committed to getting UN Security Council endorsement for the deal with an entity that it doesn’t recognise!
The leader of the Haqqani network and No. 2 of Taliban, Sirajuddin Haqqani who recently wrote an op-ed in the New York Times, remains on the US wanted list with a reward of $10 million for information leading to his capture or death. This hardly squares with the notion that Taliban is now a US counter- terrorism partner against the IS.
The Kabul Declaration states that Afghan government will “participate in US facilitated discussion with Taliban on CBMs, to include determining the feasibility of releasing significant number of prisoners on both sides”. There is no reference to numbers to be released or a deadline of 10 March linking it to commencing intra-Afghan talks, as in the Doha deal. No wonder President
Ghani angrily declared a day later that release of prisoners will be part of the agenda for the intra-Afghan talks, provoking the Taliban to declare that the truce would no longer cover Afghan security forces, creating the first of many obstacles ahead.
There is no mention of what will happen to the Taliban fighters whose numbers have suddenly inflated from earlier range of 30000 to 50000 to 60000 to 150000! Are they to be disarmed and demobilised; prepared for civilian life or integrated with the Afghan security forces? Who is expected to provide stipends to those opting for peace? Trump maintains that it is ‘time that the
war on terror is fought by someone else’ so it won’t be the US. US has described itself as a “facilitator”, a responsibility that it will be glad to share with others.
The idea of a ceasefire, which is normally the starting point for any peace process, has been made an outcome of the intra-Afghan dialogue, together with a political roadmap for the future, but without any timeframe. There is no reference to preserving the gains of the last eighteen years and with the Taliban intent on reviving the Islamic Emirate, the shape of things is clear.
Remember the duck test – if it looks like a duck, walks like a duck and quacks like a duck, it probably is a duck.
A US-Taliban Deal or an Afghan Peace Deal
Published in Hindustan Times on 1st March, 2020
On Saturday, 29 th February, an agreement will be signed between the US and the Taliban in Doha. Widely welcomed as a ‘peace deal’, it will be claimed by US President Donald Trump as further proof of his uncanny deal-making prowess. But while the deal may well mark the end of the US war in Afghanistan whether it actually ends conflict in Afghanistan remains an open question.
Road to the deal
Negotiations began in September 2018 with the appointment of Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad to initiate direct talks with Taliban. It marked a reversal of Trump’s 2017 policy based on breaking the military stalemate in Afghanistan by authorising an additional 5000 soldiers, giving US forces a freer hand to go after the Taliban, putting Pakistan on notice and strengthening Afghan capabilities. Since it was soon clear that the policy was not working and the Taliban insurgency could not be defeated as long as it enjoyed safe havens and secure sanctuaries, US changed track and sought Pakistan’s help to get Taliban to the negotiating table.
While US maintained that Doha talks covered four issues – cessation of hostilities, cutting ties with terrorist organisations like Al Qaeda, an intra- Afghan peace dialogue, and finally, US troop withdrawal, Taliban made it clear that their priority was the last issue. They rejected the idea of a ceasefire, and any talks with the Afghan government describing it as a puppet regime, lacking
legitimacy. Taliban provided some assurances on the second issue but focused on a firm date for US troop withdrawal.
A deal was ready to be signed on 8th September, with a Taliban delegation scheduled to travel to Camp David, when there was a hiccup. A US soldier was killed in a car bomb attack; coupled with the negative optics of welcoming a Taliban delegation in Camp David during the week marking the 9/11 attacks anniversary led Trump to call off the deal.
Within a month, talks were revived. US demanded a ceasefire for a month as a sign of Taliban commitment but Taliban demurred. Taliban felt that too long a ceasefire would make it difficult for them to regroup their fighters once they returned to their villages. Eventually, US settled for ‘significant reduction in violence’ for a week. The week long period began in the early hours of 22nd February, setting the stage for the Doha signing.
Echoes of Vietnam
The deal provides a timetable for reducing US troops from 14000 to 8600, possibly by the end of 2020 and the kick-starting of intra-Afghan peace talks. It is unclear if there is a date for complete withdrawal of US troops or for concluding the intra-Afghan dialogue or for how long the truce will hold. What is clear is that the US war in Afghanistan will come to an end permitting Trump to deliver on his promise of bringing the soldiers home in his re-election year.
Around fifty years ago, US pursued a similar strategy in Vietnam. President Nixon had taken over in 1969 when US troop presence in Vietnam was over half a million. It was clear that a military solution was not possible. During his secret visit to Beijing in 1971 July, Nixon’s NSA Dr Kissinger told Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai that US would agree to a complete withdrawal of troops in return for Hanoi’s releasing US POWs and a ceasefire for “a decent interval, say 18 months or more, before a Communist takeover in Vietnam”. He assured Zhou that if the Saigon government was overthrown following “a decent interval”, US would not intervene. Neither the US public nor the South Vietnamese were privy to this exchange.
And this is exactly how it unfolded. Nixon visited China in February 1972, describing it a visit to bring about “a lasting peace in the world” and won his re-election handsomely in November 1972 promising that “peace was at hand”. In January 1973, the Paris Peace Accord was signed ending direct US military involvement and withdrawal, release of POWs, ceasefire and a reunification through peaceful means. Full scale fighting erupted before end-1973. South Vietnam lost another 80000 soldiers till 30th April 1975 when Saigon finally fell. US did not intervene as its war had been over two years earlier. Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1973. Nixon resigned in 1974, facing impeachment in the Watergate scandal.
Crafting a peace deal
Many things have changed but US still cannot be seen to be losing the war in a re-election year and so the US withdrawal needs repackaging as a peace process for Afghanistan. The problem is that nobody really knows what the Taliban want and reconciling an Emirate and Shariat based system with the existing Constitution is not easy. How would Taliban fighters be demobilised? How would an amnesty and reintegration package be worked out and who pays? Would an early US withdrawal encourage the Taliban to improve their bargaining position on the battlefield? Are the major powers only ‘facilitators’ or are they collectively prepared to act as ‘guarantors’?
Addressing these is necessary for a good deal but if the search is only for “a decent interval”, the Taliban who have waited two decades can also wait out “a decent interval”.
Nuclear Asymmetry and Escalation Dynamics
Publication for the Chao Track
Introduction
The nuclear shadow over India-Pakistan relations has certainly existed since May 1998 when both countries conducted a series of nuclear explosive tests and declared themselves to be nuclear weapon states. Many would argue that it existed even earlier. Some would date it to January 1972 when after the creation of Bangladesh, Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto convened Pakistan’s nuclear scientists announcing that the only guarantee for ensuring Pakistan’s territorial integrity was to develop nuclear weapons or even earlier to 1965 (after the 1965 unsuccessful war) when he famously declared that “we will eat grass if we have to, we will make the nuclear bomb” (1) . Others would link it to India’s Peaceful Nuclear Explosion in 1974 or US attempt at nuclear coercion during the 1971 war or even 1964 when China, which had inflicted a humiliating defeat on India in the 1962 border conflict, announced its entry on to the nuclear stage (2) .
References to the 1987 Operation Brasstacks crisis marks the first attempt at nuclear signalling; this was followed when the Kashmir crisis was escalating in May 1990, by the rushed visit of US Deputy National Security Adviser Robert Gates to Delhi and Islamabad after reports that Pakistan was moving its nuclear payloads out of Kahuta. However, since neither country was a declared nuclear weapon state at the time, such signalling had to be opaque and indirect. After 1998, there was a qualitative shift and both countries articulated their respective versions of their nuclear strategy or doctrines and subsequent crises had to factor the nuclear dimension in their messaging in a more explicit manner.
If there was a feeling that as declared nuclear weapon states, the Line of Control would stabilise, it was soon dispelled. Barely had the ink dried on the forward-looking Lahore Declaration and the MOU on nuclear confidence building measures, signed during Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee’s historic visit to Lahore in February 1999, when the Kargil conflict erupted. The next crisis was the mobilisation of the Indian army at the international boundary in Op Parakram during 2002-03 in response to a terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament by a group of Lashkar-e-Tayba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) militants in December 2001. Next came the terrorist attack in Mumbai by a group of LeT militants in November 2008. In 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power and has since adopted a more muscular policy. Though there have been more terrorist attacks, two that often get highlighted are the JeM terrorist attack in September 2016 at an Army camp in Uri and the suicide attack using an SUV full of explosives against a convoy transporting para-military forces, in February 2019, also claimed by JeM.
In each case, both sides engaged in varying degrees of bellicose rhetoric; nuclear postures were factored into decisions taken, along with domestic factors and wider messaging. During these two decades, both countries have evolved their doctrines and developed greater capabilities. However, there is a degree of opaqueness about numbers and capabilities and also an asymmetry
in doctrinal approaches which means that only ‘reasonable’ inferences can be drawn about the rationales for decisions made.
Shaping of Nuclear Theology
Nuclear weapons have been used once, on 6th and 9th August 1945 in Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively and at a time when only one country possessed nuclear weapons. Therefore no empirical data regarding nuclear escalation and use can be drawn from the theories of nuclear deterrence that were subsequently developed or their near failure on numerous occasions. These instances of near failure have been documented (3) and certainly make it clear that an element of luck also played a role in ensuring that the nuclear taboo has not been breached. Furthermore, the war gaming done has been on the basis of the arsenals of the two nuclear superpowers, US and Russia (or USSR) as it was during the Cold War. The doctrines of the US and USSR also evolved in a bipolar world and the ideas of nuclear deterrence and strategic stability reflected the political reality of the bipolar world.
Therefore, looking at the India-Pakistan nuclear doctrines and crises through the bipolar prism will only provide a partial picture at best. This challenge becomes greater because US and USSR reflected symmetry in terms of their nuclear arsenals once the USSR had caught up with the US. For India and Pakistan, the relationship is marked by asymmetry and further, it is not possible to see the equation in terms of a nuclear dyad. The reason for the latter lies beyond the India Pakistan tensions in the broader geopolitical shift from Euro-Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific which pitches many more nuclear actors in a crowded geopolitical space. Pakistan’s long-standing all-weather friendship with China has made it the reliable strategic partner in development of Pakistan’s conventional, nuclear and missile capabilities and China has had a long term strategic interest in forging this partnership. Return of major power rivalry brings Russia, US and North Korea into the region along with US’s treaty allies – Japan and South Korea. This region therefore hosts multiple dyads and each dyad can be linked to other nuclear actors, presenting a new challenge of seeking stability in a loosely linked nuclear chain (4)
Any nuclear doctrine must address two questions – role of nuclear weapons in addressing security threats; and the balance between explicit and ambiguous. These are political questions. In turn, the doctrine determines the nuclear posture – targeting, deployment, and finally employment. The doctrine also sends a message, to own citizens in terms of assurance and to adversaries.
Nuclear doctrine is part of security doctrine which is part of grand strategy. The term ‘grand strategy’ (5) is often used in terms of waging major wars but essentially, it is connecting the dots between ends (which keep expanding) and means (which are limited). The last example of a ‘grand strategy’ was ‘containment’ during the Cold War that was also a combat though without direct conflict. In actual practice, containment evolved far beyond political and economic containment and took on far stronger shades of military containment assuming a character quite different from how George Kennan had visualised it.
A grand strategy depends on a mix of factors – the historical experiences that have made India what it is, how India perceives itself, its civilizational, colonial and independence movement legacies, how Indian leaders visualise India’s future role, threat perceptions, resources and capabilities, regional and global developments, and international structures within which they shape India’s future. Similarly, Pakistan’s grand strategy will be based upon its sense of national identity which would seek to be distinct from India notwithstanding the shared civilisational roots, the experience of 1971 and the loss of a its eastern territory, a more dominant role of the military because of its political experiences and a leadership role in the Islamic world particularly since the 1970s. Unlike the US or USSR, neither country has formally articulated a grand strategy and that is one reason why historical narratives are becoming increasingly divergent.
Politics of Cold War
From 1945, it was clear that nuclear weapons are qualitatively different. Even today, the biggest conventional bomb is the GBU Massive Ordnance Air Blast with 11 MT of TNT equivalent; in comparison, Hiroshima was 15 kT or 15000 MT; and nuclear weapons today are many times larger in explosive yields. Broadly, there were two schools of ‘deterrence’ in the US. One was led by Bernard Brodie who believed that deterrence is automatic, it is ensured through retaliation because the one who instigates the attack cannot be certain that he has taken out the adversary’s entire nuclear arsenal. To Brodie is attributed the idea – “Thus far the chief purpose of our military establishment has been to win wars. From now on, its chief purpose must be to avert them” (6). The other was led by Albert Wohlstetter (7) who believed that deterrence works if there is assurance of massive retaliation which implies large arsenals, survivability and the assurance of a devastating second strike after facing a surprise attack (like a nuclear Pearl harbour). For Brodie, the risk of retaliation was an adequate deterrent while for Wohlstetter, it was certainty of retaliation with large numbers that was necessary. Looking at the nuclear arms race that followed when both the US and USSR accumulated over 65000 nuclear weapons between the two of them, it is clear that Wohlstetter carried the day.
This in turn gave rise to concepts of nuclear warfighting, flexible response, second strike, escalation dominance, countervalue and counterforce, survivability, compellence and prevailance. US and USSR were locked into a political and economic competition that was ideological and waged through a policy of ‘containment’ while the military competition was manifest in the nuclear arms race. In hindsight, the search for equivalence was meaningless, except in political terms. For example, in 1949, when USSR tested and declared itself a nuclear weapon state, the US had approx. 50 bombs and it would take 40 persons two days to assemble it. Till 1959, US had a centralised target planning approach and this was sought to be modified by President Eisenhower, leading to the Single Integrated Operational Plan (SIOP-1962) which envisaged the use of 3200 nuclear weapons in a pre-emptive strike and horrified President Kennedy when presented as the option during the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. At that time, US had an arsenal of 25540 devices and USSR had only 3346 but deterrence clearly worked (8). It nevertheless established the ground rule of mutual vulnerability and as USSR reached equivalence, it gave birth to the idea of managing the nuclear arms race in terms of equal numbers or the bean-counting approach to arms control.
Deterrence stability was underwritten by parity and mutual vulnerability (codified through the 1972 ABM Treaty). Arms race stability was sought to be achieved through arms control agreements like SALT, START, INF, and New START in 2010 though it did little to curb the nuclear arms race. Finally, crisis management stability was ensured through hotlines, nuclear risk reduction centres and early warning systems but these did not prevent some fairly close shaves, some inadvertent and some a result of misperception. During the 1970s, nuclear stability did not appear particularly reassuring and not many would have believed that the Cold War would end the way it actually did without a shot being fired, or that the nuclear taboo would last as long as it has done.
India’s Doctrine
India spelt out the elements of its nuclear doctrine in a paper tabled by Prime Minister Vajpayee in parliament shortly after the nuclear tests – Evolution of India’s Nuclear Policy (9). It made clear that India saw nuclear weapons not as weapons of war fighting but intended to address current and future nuclear threats through deterrence. This was followed by a draft paper circulated in 1999 to elicit wider discussion and then a more succinct and authoritative text that was released following a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security in January 2003 (10). The elements are:i. Building and maintaining a credible minimum deterrent, based on a triad;
ii. A posture of nuclear no-first-use and non-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states;
iii. Nuclear retaliation in response to a nuclear attack on Indian territory, or on Indian forces anywhere, to be massive and inflict unacceptable damage;
iv. Option of nuclear retaliation in response to a chemical or biological attack retained;
v. Continued observance of moratorium on nuclear tests;
vi. Participation in Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty negotiations;
vii. Ensuring strict export controls on nuclear and missile related materials and technologies;
viii. Continued commitment to the goal of a nuclear weapon free world through global, verifiable and non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament.
Since India’s doctrine makes it clear that India’s nuclear weapons are only to deter a nuclear threat or attack, India has to develop other capabilities to deal with threats of sub-conventional and conventional conflicts. By denying a war fighting role for nuclear weapons, India is able to duck temptations of an arms race with Pakistan (or China). Also, given the short distances which compress decision making time, it is not possible to make a distinction between ‘tactical’ and ‘strategic’ use of nuclear weapons. This is a departure from the US-USSR approaches which provided for 20-25 minute interval from mainland launch to mainland targets and these long-range vectors were considered ‘strategic’ and systems with ranges below 5500 kms were considered intermediate, medium and short range systems. Extended deterrence assurances to allies in Europe and Asia also introduced political compulsions for forward deployment of such weapons that were given a tactical or battlefield role. It also created the grounds for the nuclear arms race.
Pakistan’s Doctrine
Pakistan has attributed a different role for its nuclear weapons. It prefers to retain a degree of ambiguity claiming that it strengthens deterrence. It consistently maintains that its nuclear capability is India specific and therefore its size will be guided by India’s arsenal. While Pakistan also states that it will have a minimum credible deterrent (sometimes also called a minimum defensive deterrent), its role is to deter nuclear use by India and also act as an equaliser against India’s conventional superiority. Pakistan therefore rejects the idea of a no first use. This led Pakistan to declare four red lines which could trigger a nuclear response – were India to occupy a large part of Pakistan’s territory, to destroy a large part of Pakistan’s military, seek to strangulate Pakistan’s economy, or create political destabilisation.
This has since evolved to full spectrum deterrence as Pakistan developed short range systems for tactical use with the 60 km range Hatf IX or Nasr ballistic missile attracting considerable attention. This was flight tested in 2011 and according to statements by the Inter Services Public Relations Directorate (ISPR) “adds deterrence value to Pakistan’s Strategic Weapons Development programme at shorter ranges”. The Nasr could carry “nuclear warheads of appropriate yield with high accuracy” and is a quick response system with shoot and scoot capabilities (11).
Lt Gen Khalid Kidwai led the Strategic Plans Division for a long time and described Pakistan’s battlefield nuclear weapons, together with other longer range ballistic and cruise missiles, as measures for providing Pakistan with “full spectrum deterrence, including at strategic, operational and tactical levels” (12). Pakistan likens its doctrine of full spectrum deterrence while emphasising first-use, to NATO’s flexible response strategy during the Cold War to counter Soviet conventional superiority. Pakistan’s battlefield nuclear weapons are designed to ensure that India cannot embark on a limited conventional operation as it would breach Pakistan’s nuclear threshold. According to Lt Gen Kidwai, it makes war less likely and contributes to regional stability.
Implications of Asymmetry
There is a fundamental asymmetry in the positions of both countries unlike that between US and USSR during the Cold War. Therefore deterrence equations regarding stability need to be rewritten.
Five levels of conflict between India and Pakistan can be defined –
- sub-conventional war or attacks by terrorist groups that are based in Pakistan and have worked out a modus vivendi with the Pakistani authorities, as in the attack on Indian parliament in December 2001;
- sub-conventional war with a combination of regular troops, as in Kargil in spring of 1999;
- conventional war below the nuclear threshold;
- conventional war escalated to the use of Tactical Nuclear Weapons;
- full scale conflict with large scale use of nuclear weapons.
All the crises referred to earlier have been caused by events falling in the first two categories above making it clear to the Indian side that possession of nuclear weapons will not deter such attacks. With each realisation, India has had to grapple with the concept of appropriate retaliation. The basic challenge for India is to prevent attacks falling in the first and second categories through a combination of deterrence and threat of punitive action. Each time, logical reflection has revealed that this cannot be achieved by taking a leaf out of Pakistan’s nuclear doctrine.
During the Kargil crisis, India used air power but exercised restraint in deploying it on the Indian side; further the Indian objective was to restore the ground positions to status quo ante. The Indian strategy was successful and the international community was supportive with the US playing a major role (13).
The terrorist attack on the Indian parliament in December 2001 was audacious and the Indian response of mobilising half a million soldiers on the border with Pakistan was guaranteed to attract international intervention, coming just a few months after 9/11 which had led to the US intervention in Afghanistan. It led to the expected outcome and beginning in 2003, the Line of Control went silent and cross border infiltration from Pakistan came down drastically. However, the deployment was a costly exercise in coercive diplomacy lasting nearly two years.
The weeks taken to deploy forces revealed another shortcoming leading to the idea of rapid deployment of integrated battle groups, captured in the catchy label of Cold Start. It was been officially denied, then revived as a pro-active conventional war strategy (14). Whether it can act as a deterrent remains doubtful but it certainly provided a ready justification to Pakistan for tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs). In doing so, Pakistan lowered the nuclear threshold and reduced the space available for India for a conventional riposte. Whether Pakistan has the systems for battle field management and escalation control in an evolving nuclear environment may be doubtful since this was a grey zone even for the US and USSR, but it has blurred the line between nuclear and conventional war. It further highlights the asymmetry between the postures of the two countries since the Indian doctrine is based on a high nuclear threshold with a clean firebreak.
The November 2008 attack in Mumbai by 10 LeT militants at multiple targets shocked India but was also a rude reminder of lack of kinetic options available to it. Further, it tilted the debate towards nuclear deterrence, quite unproductively. Western analysts, already unfamiliar with asymmetric nuclear dyads were now saddled with the additional challenge of thinking through nuclear deterrence with respect to non-state actors. India’s doctrine based on a credible minimum deterrent backed by no-first-use to serve the sole purpose of safeguarding from nuclear threats and attacks began to be questioned.
Another key difference with respect to the Cold War theorising is that both India and Pakistan make political use of the ‘nuclear flashpoint’ idea since it is a favourite for Western analysts and media. However, they use it for very different objectives. Pakistan uses it to highlight the centrality of the long-standing Kashmir dispute, hoping to catalyse some international involvement in pushing for its resolution. The idea of international involvement is anathema for India which highlights its commitment to bilateralism enshrined in the 1972 Simla Agreement. Further, it responds to the ‘nuclear flashpoint’ by highlighting Pakistan’s irresponsible behaviour of nuclear sabre rattling, Dr A Q Khan’s well documented proliferation activities and linkages of Pakistani ‘deep state’ with internationally proscribed outfits like LeT and JeM that have engaged in terrorist attacks in India. It also enables India to contrast its own responsible approach by highlighting its no-first-use doctrine and its exemplary non-proliferation credentials.
Debate Over India’s Deterrent
However, inability to prevent such attacks or engage in kinetic retaliation led to questioning of its nuclear doctrine. Deterrence is always a product of power and intent. Power is hard military capability and intent is political will. In India, questions about whether the thermonuclear test in 1998 was a fizzle re-emerged. DRDO’s lackadaisical progress towards operationalising the triad came up for unfavourable comparisons. Questioning of military capability was accompanied by questions regarding political will to undertake punitive strikes.
Together, both cast doubt on the credibility of India’s nuclear deterrent posture. This high decibel debate obfuscated the realisation that even a first-use policy could not have added to India’s kinetic options. Nevertheless, analysts pulled out the old Cold War deterrence playbooks and began to talk about limited war and escalation dominance. Some held up the example of Israel as a country that has dealt with terrorist attacks with firm and resolute political will. Neither example stands up to objective scrutiny. Israel’s adversaries are Hamas and Hizbollah and even repeated operations by Israeli military and intelligence services against them have at best yielded a stalemate that provides temporary respite. Secondly, Israel’s kinetic actions are not taken under a nuclear overhang and finally, Israel’s real time intelligence and surveillance capabilities are far superior to those of its adversaries.
Application of escalation dominance is even more unreal. The term gained currency during the 1960s as US strategic thinkers grappled with questions about the credibility of “massive retaliation” by unsure allies, covered under the extended deterrence nuclear umbrella. Flexible response sowed the seeds of nuclear warfighting by diluting the firebreak between nuclear and conventional weapons as strategists envisaged scenarios of nuclear war, often originating away from their homeland, under conditions of near parity with the USSR. Herman Kahn (15) explained 44 rungs on the nuclear escalation ladder whose only contribution in hindsight was to provide a more respectable label to the nuclear arms race. In later years, Kahn admitted that the key variable in escalation dominance is the ability of the adversary to take risk and absorb pain, neither of which is accurately predictable. Further, escalation dominance leads to counterforce which requires a new set of capabilities and damage limitation policies involving layered missile defences and civil defence preparedness, neither of which exist in India.
After the introduction of TNWs by Pakistan, questions are raised about the credibility of ‘massive retaliation’, the term used in India’s stated nuclear doctrine. Would India respond with ‘massive retaliation’ if an advancing Indian armoured column in Pakistani territory was stopped by Pakistan using a TNW? Former Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran sought to address it by pointing out that India made no distinction between tactical and strategic nuclear use because a nuclear exchange, once initiated, would escalate to strategic level (16).
The no-first-use policy was also questioned when Prime Minister Modi came to power in 2014 because the BJP’s election manifesto had promised to review India’s nuclear doctrine which was widely interpreted to mean the jettisoning of the no-first-use policy. However, Modi set all speculation at rest when before embarking on a visit to Japan in August that year, he described no-first-use as an enduring feature of India’s nuclear strategy and “a reflection of our cultural inheritance” (17).
In September 2016, four militants belonging to JeM launched a fedayeen style attack at an Indian army camp. Nineteen Indian soldiers were killed in a gunfight lasting a few hours. Eleven days later, India announced that It had launched surgical strikes against five terrorist launch pads across the Line of Control in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir killing a large number of terrorists. There was little evidence and the numbers killed varied between 50 and 150. Pakistan denied that any such attack had taken place and assured its citizens that Pakistan army was capable of thwarting any incursion by India across the Line of Control. The desire for kinetic action had been fulfilled and attention was diverted from the more serious issue of procedural lapses that had enabled the terrorists to gain access to the military camp. Attention was then devoted to ensuring Pakistan’s isolation; the SAARC summit was postponed at India’s behest and has not been held since.
The next major terrorist attack was on 14 February 2019 when an Indian fedayeen drove his explosive laden SUV into a CRPF convoy, killing 46. The attack was claimed by JeM. With national elections due in two months, kinetic retaliation was necessary. On 26 February, Indian pilots crossed into Pakistan to bomb a JeM training camp at Balakot in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. It was described as a ‘pre-emptive strike” on “non-military targets”, based on credible intelligence. Once again, there was little clarity about numbers killed or whether the aircraft had actually crossed into Pakistan or merely crossed the Line of Control. This time, Pakistan acknowledged the attack but asserted that there were no casualties as Indian bombs had missed the targets. The following morning, Pakistani jets mounted a counterstrike. Their ordinance not hit any military targets or cause casualties but in the dog-fight an Indian plane was downed and the pilot captured in Afghanistan. Rhetoric heightened and the international community intervened. US, Saudi and Emirati leaders claimed to have played a role in the Indian pilot’s quick release on 1 March. The Indian pilot was given a hero’s welcome on return and Pakistan received credit for having defused the situation.
What has Changed and What Hasn’t?
Modi has dispelled the notion that Pakistan’s TNWs will deter India from kinetic retaliation. Some retired military officers have recalled that the ‘surgical strikes’ after Uri were essentially shallow cross border operations that were undertaken in the past too but without fanfare. Certainly, Modi has changed that but the military authorities are understandably cautious and take care not to cross each other’s red lines. They also understand the limited military options available, given current capabilities on both sides though political rhetoric tends to amplify the magnitude of kinetic actions. For example, the messaging during Balakot that air strikes were not aimed at military targets or that it was pre-emptive indicates that officials are more restrained than what political rhetoric would indicate. In other words, nobody called anybody’s nuclear bluff as many strategic theorists would have us believe.
Pakistan had developed a comfort level with the notion that its TNWs were a deterrent that prevent India from retaliation. In doing so, it conflated retaliation with the idea of ‘limited war’ as visualised in NATO’s Cold War doctrines for European theatre. Not only are these outdated for the US in the Asia-Pacific theatre, these are even more irrelevant when applied to the Uri and Balakot events. Modi has ensured that henceforth any Indian government will undertake some kinetic retaliation while taking care that the Pakistani military does not perceive it as escalatory. Rhetoric will have a different and a shriller pitch driven by domestic politics.
What is instructive is that all the escalation scenarios whether predicting changes in Indian doctrine towards counterforce (18) or even a nuclear use, share the same story beginning. A terror strike by a Pakistan based group, Indian military action, Pakistani retaliation and then matters getting out of control to cross the nuclear threshold. It merits thought that such scenarios imply a tacit acceptance that Pakistan will continue to host such groups on its territory. This is not a situation which nuclear adversaries have faced earlier.
While it is a fact that there is an element of uncertainty in any conflict and the possibility of the unforeseen, the nuclear deterrence theories of the Cold War or the US-USSR arms control can hardly be the models for nuclear stability for understanding escalation dynamics in the asymmetric India-Pakistan context. Indian and Pakistan will have to find their own vocabulary which is not easy
since as pointed out, given Pakistan’s predilection to promote the nuclear flashpoint thesis; it likes to convey that its nuclear doctrine derives from NATO postures during the Cold War.
Finally, it is worth asking a counterfactual question. Had neither country possessed nuclear weapons, what kind of military action could India have contemplated after Uri or Balakot or Mumbai? After all, the wars India and Pakistan have fought have been limited wars, limited in terms of both objectives and duration, primarily on account of warfighting capabilities and also because of involvement of major powers. These realities which do not give India a decisive conventional superiority, still determine the nature and extent of Indian retaliation even under the nuclear shadow.
NOTES
- 1. Feroz Khan, Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb (Stanford University Press, 2012)
- 2 Raj Chengappa, Weapons of Peace: The Secret Story of India’s Quest to be a Nuclear Power (Harper Collins, 2000)
- 3 Patricia Lewis, Heather Williams, Benoit Pelopidas and Sasan Aghlani, Too Close for Comfort (Chatham House April,2014)
- 4 Robert Einhorn and Waheguru Pal Singh Sidhu, The Strategic Chain: Linking Pakistan, China, India and the United States (Brookings, 2017)
- 5 John Lewis Gaddis, On Grand Strategy (Penguin Press, 2018)
- 6 Bernard Brodie, The Absolute Weapon: Atomic Power and World Order (editor and contributor), Harcourt, 1946.
- 7 Albert Wohlstetter, The Delicate Balance of Terror (P-1472, Rand Corporation)
- 8 Robert S Norris and Hans M Kristenson, Global Nuclear Inventories 1945-2013 (Bulletin of Atomic Scientists 2013)
- 9 Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Evolution of India’s Nuclear Policy (tabled in Lok Sabha on 27 May 1998)
- 10 Prime Minister’s Office, Cabinet Committee on Security reviews Progress in Operationalising India’s Nuclear Doctrine (Press Release dated 4 January 2003)
- 11 No. PR94/2011-ISPR (Press Release by ISPR dated 19 April 2011)
- 12 Conversation with Lt Gen Khalid Kidwai (transcript from Carnegie Nuclear Policy Conference, 23 March 2015)
- 13 Bruce Riedel, American Diplomacy and the 1999 Kargil Summit at Blair House (University of Pennsylvania, 2002)
- 14 Walter Ladwig, A Cold Start for Hot Wars? The Indian Army’s New Limited War Doctrine (International Security Issue 32 (3), Winter 2007-08)
- 15 Herman Kahn, On Escalation: Metaphors and Scenarios (Frederick A Prager, 1965)
- 16 Shyam Saran, Is India’s Nuclear Deterrent Credible? (Speech at India Habitat Centre, Delhi on 24 April 2013)
- 17 Rakesh Sood, Should India Revise its Nuclear Doctrine? (Policy Brief No 18, Asia Pacific Leadership Network, December 2014)
- 18 Christopher Clary and Vipin Narang, India’s Counterforce Temptations (International Security Vol 43 No 3, Winter 2018/19)
A sneeze, a global cold and testing times for China
Published in The Hindu on 1st February, 2020
The Year of the Rat has begun on an inauspicious note for China. A new virus belonging to the Coronavirus family (now named 2019-nCoV) has claimed over 100 casualties and numbers infected has crossed 4500. On 25 January, President Xi Jinping convened a meeting of the top leadership to underline the seriousness of the outbreak which has assumed epidemic proportions in China. Chinese authorities have been directed to take whatever steps are needed on emergency footing to deal with “a grave public health crisis”. However, for President Xi, it is more than a public health crisis, it is a credibility challenge, with both domestic and global dimensions.
Wuhan – the epicentre
Ironically, the epicentre of the outbreak is the bustling town of Wuhan which also hosts a number of biotech enterprises. The virus is believed to have originated in the ‘wet market’ in Wuhan where dead and live animals including seafood are stocked in close proximity. The genome of the new virus has been compared to more than 200 coronaviruses which normally affect animals revealing that this possibly originated in a certain species of local snakes. The virus underwent a change and, in the process, developed a capability that enables it to bind to human cells.
Normally, coronaviruses is a large family of viruses that are often the source of respiratory infections, including the common cold. Majority of the viruses are common among animals and only a small number infect humans. Sometimes, an animal-based coronavirus mutates and successfully finds a human host. Rapid urbanisation forcing animals and humans into closer proximity (as in the ‘wet market’) creates a perfect petri dish from where such zoonotic outbreaks can originate.
The first official acknowledgement of a new virus outbreak in Wuhan came on 31 December after the first casualty was confirmed. During the past four weeks, the number of those infected and fatal casualties has climbed rapidly. Cases have been reported from different parts of China as well as Hong Kong; nearly fifty cases are reported from Thailand, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Australia, USA, France, Austria, Germany, Cambodia, Vietnam, Malaysia and Singapore, though no casualties yet. However, about 4000 Chinese from Wuhan are reported to be still abroad. For India, the most critical is cases being reported in Nepal since India and Nepal share an open border though so far, all tests undertaken in India have been negative. WHO has called it a health
emergency in China and refrained from describing it as a pandemic. The Director General of WHO Dr Ghebreyesus is in Beijing for talks to review the Chinese response to date.
Decoding the new virus
Initially, there was uncertainty about the mode of transmission but now it is clear that 2019-nCoV virus is passed from human to human via – air through coughing or sneezing, personal touching or contact, and also, contact with an object that may be hosting viral particles (such as a door handle) and transferring it ones nose or mouth. More significant is the new understanding that the virus is contagious even during incubation, that is even before a patient exhibits any symptoms. The incubation period can last up to a fortnight. This characteristic amplifies the transmissibility factor. It also explains the travel bans across China, and the literal isolation of Wuhan, a city of 11 million and Hubei province with a population of nearly 60 million.
For China, the timing of the outbreak could not be worse. The Chinese Lunar New Year began on 24 January and normally, it marks a week long holiday, marked by feasting and travel by large numbers to join their families for the celebrations. Undoubtedly, this movement contributed to the rapid transmission of the disease across China and to many countries before the Chinese authorities cracked down hard.
Holidays across the country have been extended by three days till 2nd February in an effort to stagger the returns. Starbucks and McDonalds have shut down their outlets in Hubei; in Shanghai, Disneyland and in Beijing, the Forbidden City is closed, and a number of temple celebrations have been called off to prevent large scale gatherings. In Shanghai, businesses have extended the holiday period till 10 February, except for supermarkets, medical suppliers and public utilities. Hong Kong has drastically cut travel between mainland and the city.
Can China cope?
Comparisons are being drawn SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) outbreak in 2002-03 which infected 8000 patients and claimed nearly 800 casualties. SARS is also a zoonotic case, part of the coronavirus family that jumped to humans from horseshoe bats. The first incidents were reported in Guangdong province in November 2002 but WHO was officially informed only after three months though mysterious flu outbreaks were being widely reported. It quickly became more than public health issue and later, the Chinese health authorities issued a public apology. It was the first case of a coronavirus family virus develop lethal pathogenicity together with high transmission. The global economic loss was estimated at between $30-100 billion.
This time, the Chinese government has been more open but the question being asked is, has it been open enough? The response mechanisms, especially in the early days evidently fell short, reflective the top down bureaucratic approach of the Chinese system. The system has kicked in now with the all-of-government approach which characterises the China model. This is embarrassing for ‘core leader’ President Xi, the author of ‘China’s rejuvenation’ who replaced Deng Xiaoping’s advice of ‘keep head down, hide your capability, bide your time’ with the mantra ‘demonstrate capability, assume responsibility and claim rightful place’ implying that China’s time has come. How China manages this challenge will be a test – demonstrating that the Chinese model can deliver when it comes to a crunch and that it is a responsible global player, no longer hesitant about engaging with the WHO. For SARS, it took 20 months from the genome sequencing to the first human trials; for 2019-nCoV, US authorities are working on a deadline of 90 days.
Learning right lessons
It provides an interesting contrast with how the Kerala government dealt with Nipah outbreak in May 2018. Nipah is also zoonotic and made the jump from fruit bats to humans. Though there were 17 deaths in May, effective quarantine measures by local authorities prevented the spread. It helped that health is a state subject. The local doctor took the initiative to contact the Manipal Centre for Viral Research which had worked in the northeast (where Nipah is more prevalent and a 2001 outbreak in Siliguri had claimed 49 lives) and had the diagnostic tools to identify the virus. The state heath machinery responded with alacrity. More than 2500 persons were put under observation. No new case was reported after 1 June and a month later Kerala was declared Nipah-free and travel restrictions were removed. Had the district and state authorities not taken the initiative and only reported matters to Delhi and awaited instructions while Delhi sent teams to prepare plans, the outbreak would have taken a higher toll.
Kerala managed to curtail the Nipah outbreak with few casualties. However, infectious diseases including of the zoonotic variety are on the rise in India. In addition, regions in India suffer from seasonal outbreaks of dengue, malaria and influenza strains. The nation-wide disease surveillance programme needs to be strengthened. There is an acute shortage of epidemiologists, microbiologists and entomologists which translates into wasteful delays in diagnostics. Given the growth potential of India’s biotech sector, it is time to put in place a robust public-private partnership model that can transform the health services sector in the country, covering disease surveillance, diagnostic kit availability and accelerated vaccine development.